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Personnel file of Sergei Dubik. The influence of professional self-education on the effectiveness of a tax police officer Yury Andreevich Shalakov Yury Andreevich Shalakov Deputy Head of the Department biography

Personnel file of Sergei Dubik. The influence of professional self-education on the effectiveness of a tax police officer Yury Andreevich Shalakov Yury Andreevich Shalakov Deputy Head of the Department biography

16.12.2023

On May 15, 2014, to the former head of the GUEBiPK, Lieutenant General Denis Sugrobov The Investigative Committee brought charges under three articles: provocation of a bribe, abuse of power and organization of a criminal community. The investigation is also trying to remove the lawyer from the defense Georgy Antonov, involving him as a witness in this case. The high-profile case is notable not only for the number and status of the arrested employees of the anti-corruption unit, but also for the crimes that they are currently charged with. Journalist at First Anti-Corruption Media Denis Balashov tried to understand the situation, how and why events could develop, and who could benefit from this scandal.

Brief history

In 2005, the Main Directorate for Combating Economic Crimes of the Ministry of Internal Affairs was transformed into the Department of Economic Security of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, which was headed by Sergey Meshcheryakov. Literally a year later he became the head of the DEB. He worked with Putin in the GDR. At the end of 2007, Evgeny Shkolov became deputy minister Rashida Nurgalieva, since 2008, supervised the fight against corruption through the Ministry of Internal Affairs,

announced by the President Dmitry Medvedev, and the Department of Internal Affairs of the Ministry of Internal Affairs was headed by a lieutenant general.

In the same 2008, a special unit, Operational Investigation Bureau No. 3, was formed in the Department of Economic Security of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the main task of which is the fight against corruption in the highest echelons of power, headed by ORB No. 3.

Police Major General Alexander Nazarov launched the process of detaining high-ranking officials, and for high performance in his official activities he was promoted to deputy Yuri Shalakov, where the first deputy was already the general and the head of ORB No. 10.

By that time, the war was already underway in the DEB, and not only high-ranking officials and law enforcement officers from neighboring departments, but also colleagues themselves with their financial flows came into view. In the midst of the anti-corruption fight, reforms and intradepartmental confrontation between teams and conflicts, the figure of Sugrobov turned out to be preferable for the country's leadership.

Thus, the youngest in the department, Major General of the Police Denis Sugrobov, headed the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption, which was transformed during the reforms. Evgeny Shkolov continued to combat corruption, but already in the relevant Council under the President of the Russian Federation, becoming an assistant to Vladimir Putin, Yuri Shalakov left as assistant to the plenipotentiary representative in the Volga Federal District, then took the post of deputy head of the presidential personnel department, oversees the work of law enforcement agencies and security forces, but to Andrey Khorev and Alexander Nazarov had to not only leave the ministry during the reform process, but also change his field of activity.

General Khorev, as reported by the media, has always been close to the management of the FSB’s own security. Since 2010, Andrei Khorev has been involved in various corruption scandals, and in 2011, the general became involved in a case of receiving a large bribe by a Moscow investigator Nelly Dmitrieva, was hiding abroad, they say he is now moving around Moscow calmly. Alexander Nazarov left as an adviser to Rostec Sergei Chemezov and became managing director for distressed assets of Rostec.

"Green light and support"

“Some people think that the reform was successful, others think that it was not entirely successful, opinions are divided, but I believe that there are still serious steps forward, all departments of the Ministry of Internal Affairs will now work in a new way. In our Office, we have tried to move away from the so-called “stick” system. Now we are the ones who can seriously influence the emerging operational situation,” Sugrobov said in March 2012, summing up the first results of the work of the anti-corruption agency.

In less than the first half of the year of work of the GUEBiPK, the amount of damages compensated to the state amounted to more than 11 billion rubles; during this period, according to the materials of the Main Directorate, “4 deputies of legislative assemblies, 13 officials of structural divisions of government bodies of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation and a number of other high-ranking leaders were subject to criminal liability.”

As they say on the sidelines of the ministry, Denis Sugrobov and the GUEBiPK “were given the green light everywhere” and “they didn’t really look at speeding.”

Sugrobov was also supported by the head of the Russian Presidential Administration Sergey Ivanov.

“The latest cases clearly show that, despite any ranks, titles, and so on, we do not and should not have untouchables,” Ivanov said, commenting on the case of theft in GLONASS (the ORM was carried out by the GUEBiPK). Just look at the case of Oboronservis with the ex-Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation Anatoly Serdyukov, who was eventually amnestied.

The activities of Glavka were highly appreciated at the top. The degree of trust placed in Denis Sugrobov is evidenced by the fact that at the celebration of Internal Affairs Day in 2012, Sugrobov sat next to Vladimir Putin, receiving the early rank of lieutenant general at the age of 36. Also, according to available information, Sugrobov was on good terms with the leadership of the FSB of Russia, the FSB director himself Alexander Bortnikov personally presented him with an award pistol, they say, for preventing the assassination attempt on Ramzan Kadyrov and conducting successful special operations in the North Caucasus.

How and why the generals were detained

Sugrobov's subordinates received information and began to develop the deputy head of the 6th service of the 9th department of the FSB Internal Security Service Igor Demin. And after an agent of the GUEBiPK, under the guise of an entrepreneur, on February 14, 2014, handed over 10 thousand dollars to the security officer for protection of a business, searches were carried out in the anti-corruption Main Directorate and the apartments of the operatives. In the Basmanny Court, the prosecutor’s office opposed the arrest of four “Gueb” members, and the court released them. After a while, one by one he ends up in a pre-trial detention center .

All those arrested were charged with provoking a bribe, exceeding official authority, organizing a criminal community and participating in it.

In the Western law enforcement system, the provocation of a bribe was actively used in the fight against corrupt officials; only those who took a bribe under provocation were not imprisoned, but were fired from service. In Russian legislation, provocation of a bribe is a criminal article: “an attempt to transfer money to an official without his consent.”

From court hearings in the Basmanny Court, it is known that he discussed the amount necessary to “resolve the issues.” And already at the next meeting, when the security officer was brought money, the agent was detained.

According to a witness from the FSB, a police agent at one of the meetings was supposed to “hand over money to Demin, after a short period of time it was necessary to hand over money to Demin again, and after he had repeatedly received money for resolving various issues, they planned to detain him.”

Interesting point. Sergey Pirozhkov- ex-police major, employee of the 6th department (department of implementation for ensuring operational combinations and operational experiments in the DEB) ORB No. 3 of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, they say, already being dismissed from service, he was detained by employees of the FSB Internal Security Service for extortion during one raider seizure. However, he was not brought to justice, either due to lack of evidence, or perhaps for other reasons.

“Initially the initiative came from the FSB. Pavel Globa- their agent. He contacted Pirozhkov and said that the FSB agent was ready to provide cover. The initiative came from the FSB. This is their development,” says lawyer Barinov.

Let us only note that already at the first meetings the deputy head of department “B” of GUEBiPK Alexey Bodnar with Pirozhkov and Globa, the latter made audio recordings of conversations that became part of the case file.

Whether the Guebovites themselves stumbled upon the information regarding the FSB officer, or whether it was given to them specifically as part of an operational combination, one can only guess. However, this is not so important in operational work, where the information came from. Another serious question arises: why and who needed the police to develop the security officer themselves?

The main assumption is that the police were “playing”, acting independently, and after recording the transfer of funds to the security officer, they were not going to detain Demin. No one would discredit the security agencies without indicating the first person; this is suicide. Sugrobov would simply transfer not information, but specific materials to the FSB leadership for internal use. Thus, having earned serious “points” in the relationship, as they say, “bang to bash”, therefore, due attention was not paid to the design of materials carried out by the ORM. Accordingly, Minister Kolokoltsev and the country’s leadership may not have been informed of the matter. High-ranking officials in the Presidential Administration, who have remained “in the shadows” for now, could also participate in this “game.”

In any case, Sugrobov made a serious mistake if he had reported to Vladimir Putin Vladimir Kolokoltsev, and not Alexander Bortnikov, then the situation would have developed completely differently.

Sugrobov's position

“My department has interfered with a lot of people, we have gotten into a lot of trouble,” Sugrobov said in the Basmanny court. “I followed the instructions of the President of the Russian Federation and the Minister of Internal Affairs to combat corruption.”

On the day of Sugrobov’s arrest, the chairman of the PMC Anton Tsvetkov published on the Internet the text of Sugrobov’s letter to Putin, in which the general said that in January 2011, before presenting a departmental award, the FSB tried to personally recruit him from the deputy head of the FSB Internal Affairs Directorate, Oleg Feoktistov. Feoktistov, as stated in Sugrobov’s letter, wanted him to establish a “trusted business relationship” with Andrei Khorev, who “according to Feoktistov, it was planned to appoint the head of the GUEBiPK”, and Sugrobov “his deputy.”

“The existing hostile attitude towards Khorev’s well-known methods of work, as well as the fact that for two years the specified unit [USB FSB] directly developed the latter, did not allow me to accept this proposal.”, Sugrobov said in a letter.

It is worth noting that Sugrobov’s letter also states that ICR investigator Sergei Novikov (in charge of the “Gueb officers’ case”) is “fully engaged by the FSB Internal Security Service officers.”

Interrupted flight

Why was Denis Sugrobov trusted at the highest level, and then at the same level, trust in him suddenly disappeared. After all, neither the young general’s dizzying career nor his imprisonment in the Lefortovo detention center could not have been agreed upon “at the top.”

There can be two main reasons for this rise and fall.

A thief should sit in jail

The first main reason: such trust could break overnight if the unit led by Sugrobov, under the guise of fighting corruption and support at the highest level, itself engaged in extortion, receiving and giving bribes, fraud, “divided and sawed” sectors of the economy and enriched itself by falsifying evidence, then - yes, criminals should be in prison for a long time. But such charges have not yet been presented to the defendants and the general public, the investigation speaks about the main structure - provocation of bribes and episodes, the entire criminal community is built on provocations, with the goal of career growth by “increasing the quantitative indicators of their work.”

Maybe it’s just still a “secret of the investigation”, and investigators are in no hurry to present the “millions and billions of thefts and extortion” of this criminal community. This practice exists when the investigation begins to work specifically with a less serious crime, gradually proving more serious crimes. Information has already leaked that the investigation revealed the receipt of a bribe (Article 290 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation). But if the charges remain the same, then this case becomes a very strange story, and the second possible reason will look plausible.

The Ministry of Internal Affairs has gone too far

Over the past five years, the Ministry of Internal Affairs has grown stronger and gained momentum; the appointment of Vladimir Kolokoltsev itself looked very positive compared to his predecessor, adding points both in external positioning and within the ministry. The department was not only given the powers of the main player in the fight against corruption, but also given the opportunity to actually work in ensuring the economic security of the country. After the country’s leadership set tasks to restore order in the financial and credit sector, combat “cash-out” and the outflow of trillions of rubles abroad, the Main Directorate of Denis Sugrobov got to work. Over the course of a year and a half, dozens of bankers were arrested, dozens of “cash-out platforms” were closed, and violations were discovered as part of developments that led to the revocation of licenses and the closure of many well-known banks. Such a cleansing of the banking sector has never happened in modern Russia.

The Ministry of Internal Affairs has entered where it has never gone before - into the billion-dollar shadow economy of the banking sector, and here the economic security service of the FSB of the Russian Federation has always fought. They say that the lack of control over the work of the Main Directorate of Sugrobov harmed many, and further activation could “reveal what cannot be revealed” and strengthen the position of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the law enforcement arena. All that remained was to find serious mistakes, or wait until they were committed and discredit not only specific individuals, but also the work of the department as a whole. The influential enemies acquired during this time and the interdepartmental conflict could come together.

Vladimir Kolokoltsev and the Ministry of Internal Affairs under guard

Meanwhile, the personnel arrangement in the Ministry of Internal Affairs has changed as follows. Three days before Sugrobov’s removal from office, Dmitry Mironov, a native of the FSO, was appointed to the post of deputy head of the Main Directorate of Criminal Investigation, with the rank of police major general. And on May 12 he became the head of the GUEBiPK.

On the same day, the head of Vladimir Putin’s security, deputy director of the FSO, was appointed to the post of first deputy of Vladimir Kolokoltsev.

GUEBiPK is no more and will not be

As they say, the arrests of the heads of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption, and therefore the discrediting of this unit and the image of the Ministry of Internal Affairs itself, were agreed upon on the eve of the next reforms.

In all likelihood, the ongoing police reform will continue, and the Ministry of Internal Affairs, as an example, will be divided into the newly created structures “Ministry of Public Security” and “Federal Investigation Service”.

Denis Balashov

On the sidelines of the Kremlin, one of the most discussed news in recent days has been a small industrial conflict. During a scheduled meeting in the presidential administration (AP RF), Oleg Markov, assistant to the head of state for personnel issues, unexpectedly lost his temper. His anger fell on the head of the Department for Civil Service and Personnel of the Administration of the Russian Federation, Sergei Dubik. According to Kremlin residents, Markov unexpectedly interrupted his colleague and said the following: “If I were you, you should generally remain silent. I recommended you for this position at one time, and you ruined yourself as much as you could!” Now the RF AP is discussing that Dubik’s exorbitant career ambitions can definitely be put to rest. But just recently he shared with his colleagues that he sees himself in the chair of the Minister of Defense. And at the same time, the current head of the defense department Anatoly Serdyukov an information attack was carried out, and “behind-the-scenes” attacks were also organized against him inside the Administration and the White House.

And, of course, on the sidelines of the Kremlin they are discussing all the numerous stories with which Dubik “messed himself up as best he could.” Here is a strange attack on the former governor Butov, and cooperation with Don-Stroy, and “shady affairs” with the general Khorev . They also remember Sergei’s brother, Gazprom top manager Nikolai Dubik, whose accounts in Switzerland receive large sums from contractors of the gas monopolist.

Knife for ex-governor

On September 10, 2011, in the center of Moscow, the former governor of the Nenets Autonomous Okrug, Vladimir Butov, was stabbed. It would seem like an ordinary “everyday situation”: the hot-tempered ex-head of the region had an argument with two Caucasians, they stabbed him with a knife. However, the crime has still not been solved, although the moment of the attack by the attackers was captured on CCTV cameras. From the police reports you can see that the blows were delivered expertly - right to the liver. And most importantly, the attack took place in the midst of the “war” that Butov tried to wage against the company "Lukoil" , closely associated with Sergei Dubik. This “war” has a very interesting backstory.

CARD FOR 09/10/2011
1337.

ATC for the Central Administrative District

Central Administrative District Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia for the Arbat district

Moscow

September 9 at 23.31 to service 02 DC of the Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia in Moscow from medical. The institution received a telephone message stating that at 21.45 from 31 Gogolevsky Blvd. With a wound to the lumbar region on the left, penetrating into the abdominal cavity, a wound to the side wall of the abdomen, penetrating into the abdominal cavity, a wound to the seventh segment of the liver, and a small hemoperitoneum, V.Ya. was brought to them. Butov, born 1958, lived. st.... (criminal case No. 350512 under Article 111 Part 1 of the Criminal Code of Russia).

The scene of the incident was photographed and the following items were seized: a cell phone, a fragment of a light-colored metal knife blade.

A review of CCTV footage revealed that at 21.40, near the Gogolevsky restaurant, 31, two unknown men of Caucasian appearance approached the victim. After a verbal altercation, one of the unknown men struck Butov several times in the back, after which they fled.

Operational investigations are being carried out.

The following went to the scene: deputy chief. 4th ORCh at ESD ATC Pushkarev, acting head. Department of Internal Affairs Furs, head OODUUP Brusov, next. Sotnikov, UR OMIA Chermoshentsev, dozn. Mishko, Merzenev expert.

As detailed in the article "Oak Almighty" , at one time Sergey Dubik had a quick and successful battle with Lukoil in the Volgograd region and the oil workers “surrendered” to the winner. The Kremlin official had a personal plane at his disposal. Officially, he is registered with Lukoil, but, at Dubik’s first request, he is ready to fly to any place indicated by him. Also, the main Kremlin personnel officer received access to all other benefits that rich oil workers can provide. Dubik guaranteed them full support from his side. Such cooperation was going quite successfully until the former head of the Nenets circle, Vladimir Butov, and his friend, Yugoslav businessman Savva (Savo) Kujundzhich, unexpectedly appeared on Lukoil’s path.

Butov, while still the governor of a region rich in “black gold,” managed to establish contacts with most of the major players in the oil market, both in Russia and abroad. Of course, he also had enemies. Butov especially could not work well with Lukoil. When he left the post of governor, he began mediating negotiations between oil workers. And in 2011, Butov had the opportunity not only to complete a major deal, but to strike a blow at the much-unloved Lukoil. Then the former governor received authority from his Western acquaintances to begin searching in Russia for potential buyers for three oil refineries in Greece and two oil refineries in Sweden. He took his friend Savva Kujundzhich as a partner, and chose Gazpromneft as a potential client. This categorically did not suit Lukoil, which tried unsuccessfully to acquire these assets for almost ten years. Half of the oil that Lukoil exports is intended for these refineries. The arrival of Gazprom Neft at the factories threatens Lukoil with colossal financial losses. To ensure that the deal did not take place, representatives of Lukoil immediately went to the Dubikov family. Sergei could have used administrative resources, which is what he actually did. And his brother Nikolai had the opportunity to prevent the conclusion of a contract at the Gazprom level, because he is the head of the legal department of the gas monopolist and is on the board of directors of Gazprom Neft. In addition, Nikolai Dubik has known Savva Kuyundzhich well for a long time. For many years, structures controlled by this businessman received lucrative contracts from Gazprom and its subsidiaries. So, Nikolai Dubik and Savva Kuyundzhich were connected by deep financial “roots”. Employees of the FSB of the Russian Federation still do not know what to do with the payment card discovered during one of the searches. It follows from it that 9 million euros were transferred from the account of Kujundzic’s company in the Latvian Aizkraukles Bank to the personal account of Nikolai Dubik in the Swiss bank Ventobel as commissions from a certain transaction. Moreover, counterintelligence officers believe that such wiring was far from the only one.

Nikolai Dubik put the question to Kuyundzhich bluntly: either he is friends with him, or continues to be friends with Butov and play against Lukoil. Kujundzhich chose Butov, after which Gazprom broke all contracts with the structures of the Yugoslav businessman. This happened at the instigation of the same Nikolai Dubik, who was more than once noticed by traffic police officers on Rublyovka driving drunk at the wheel. For this, the top manager of Gazprom was even somehow deprived of his rights.

Sergei Dubik, in turn, put pressure on Butov through the resources available to him. However, the ex-governor has an uncompromising character, so he continued to work on the deal for the sale of Greek and Swedish refineries. The next business meeting on this issue was to take place on September 10, 2011 in a restaurant on Gogolevsky Boulevard. The former governor was unable to appear due to a stab wound to the liver.

Thousands of apartments from Don-Stroy

At some point, the presidential administration began to buy real estate from the Don-Stroy construction company for the needs of its employees. About 1,000 apartments are purchased annually, each with an area of approximately 100 square meters. meters. Moreover, we are talking about elite houses built by Don-Stroy. Such “love” for the construction company in the AP of the Russian Federation appeared immediately after Sergey Dubik got a job there. Formally, he has nothing to do with providing housing for his subordinates. However, in reality, the housing commission of the RF AP is under his complete control and he also selects partners for the purchase of apartments. “Don-Stroy” was among the “chosen ones” not by chance. The company was under the control of General Andrei Khorev, Dubik’s long-time friend.

From 1991 to 1999, Dubik was an associate professor at the Military University of the USSR Ministry of Defense, whose rector was Viktor Khorev, the father of one of the most corrupt generals of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, the now former first deputy head of the DEB Andrei Khorev. Since then, the paths of Khorev and Dubik have been closely connected with each other. Khorev helped Dubik initiate criminal cases against unwanted people and send them to a pre-trial detention center. Dubik, in turn, “covered” his friend and ensured that no problems would arise in the general’s service. Having such a high-ranking patron, Khorev and his faithful assistant Maxim Kagansky managed to take dozens of companies under their “wing,” among which was Don-Stroy. According to the testimony of Kagansky’s guards, who were arrested along with the capital’s investigator Nelly Dmitrieva in the case of a $3 million bribe, their boss often met and was friends with the co-owner of the Don-Stroy company Dmitry Zelenin .

However, in the circles of all these corrupt officials from the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, “divorcing” businessmen friends for big money is considered quite normal. As a result, Zelenin began to be “milked” under Dubik. “Do you want the Administration of the Russian Federation to buy Don-Stroy apartments? “Pay.” “Do you want Dubik to help in the Don-Stroy business? - Pay”, etc. However, these constant contributions seemed not enough to Kagansky, Khorev and their patron.

In 2008, the departments of the Economic Security Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation collected materials indicating that Don-Stroy had underpaid taxes by 400 million rubles and transferred them to initiate a case to the Investigative Committee under the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation. After this, a new siphoning of money from Zelenin began. Participating in this were the “friend” of the co-owner of “Don-Stroy” Maxim Kagansky and another “fixer”, a former employee of the Investigative Committee at the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation Anatoly Shavlyakov (when he was still working in the police, he became famous for coming to work in a Bentley). By the way, Shavlyakov personally knows Dubik.

At first, they took money from Zelenin for not opening a case, but they still opened it. And then they started pumping in money to stop the investigation. Shavlyakov and Kagansky said that the fate of the investigation is being decided at the “very top” and there is no way to do it without Dubik’s help. As a result, they received 3.5 million dollars from Zelenin (with a discount for friendship), and later also several apartments in new prestigious buildings, one of which went to Andrei Khorev (the general registered it in his father’s name). The cash was transferred directly to Anatoly Shavlyakov, who stated that he would immediately transfer it to Dubik. Whether the money reached the recipient, history is silent. However, after this, the investigation into the criminal “Don-Stroy” case was suspended. And in order for Zelenin to finally calm down, they sold him a false decree to close the case.

Most expensive position

While promoting Zelenin with money, Andrei Khorev had no idea that he himself would one day find himself in the role of a “cash cow.” In the summer of 2011, recertification of employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation began. By this time, almost the whole country knew that Khoreyev was the most corrupt police general. Khorev had little chance of passing through the “sieve of selection”. He understood this very well, and turned for help to his friend Dubik, who was a member of the leadership of the certification commission. Previously, Dubik had repeatedly rescued the general from similar situations.

At some point, the head of the Internal Affairs Ministry of the Russian Federation, Yuri Shalakov, and the Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs, Evgeniy Shkolov, got tired of Khorev’s tricks. ORB-3 (engaged in the fight against corruption and was not under Khorev’s control) wiretapped his office and phones. As a result, a disc containing a recording of Khorev’s conversation with a businessman was placed on Shkolov’s desk. During it, the general indicated the amount of $5 million that he wants to receive for his services. Khorev was familiarized with this recording, he wrote a letter of resignation of his own free will and took his things from the office. And two weeks later, as if nothing had happened, he went back to work. During these two weeks, the “almighty” Dubik managed to defend his protégé. As a result, Khorev’s application for dismissal was not satisfied.

In the case of recertification, Dubik admitted to a friend that he himself could not solve such a complex issue, but with the help of the head of the Administrative Office of the Russian Federation Sergei Naryshkin , who also headed the certification commission, the problem is completely surmountable. Considering the level of the official, $50 million was asked from the general. Khorev decided that, remaining in office, he would eventually “recoup” this amount and paid it. Only Naryshkin, as it turned out, was not aware of such vicissitudes. He himself personally rejected Khorev’s candidacy during re-certification.

And then the general was faced with an innovation that appeared in the RF AP, with the arrival of Dubik. This is when a person is charged a large sum for an appointment to a position, and when it does not happen, the money is not returned, promising to assign him to some other “tidbit” in the future. Khorev's $50 million was not returned. In exchange, he was promised the post of deputy head of the Federal Tax Service of the Russian Federation. Khorev has been waiting for a new assignment for almost a year, living most of the time in Israel and fighting off attacks from law enforcement agencies who are trying to bring him to justice for numerous dubious matters.

======= Road accident MOSCOW 2010 09 =======

Last name......................... DUBIK

Name........................... NIKOLAY

Patronymic................... NIKOLAEVICH

Year of birth............ 1971

Full address............ MOSCOW REGION MOSCOW MICHURINSKY PROSPECT., 19, 1, 294

Date of modification..... 06/01/2004

Document...................DRIVING LICENSE GOZNAK

Violation......................... 12.8.1 — DRIVING A VEHICLE BY A DRIVER WHICH IS IN A STATE OF INTRODUCTION

Road accident MOSCOW 2007 =======

Last name............... DUBIK

Name................... NIKOLAY

Patronymic......................... NIKOLAEVICH

Date of birth......... 1971.05.18

Region................ MOSCOW

District............. 0

Locality...... MOSCOW

Street............ MICHURINSKY PR-T

Home................... 19

Building 1

Apartment............... 294

Date of violation........ 07/07/2005

Brand............... AUDI

State number.............P546ES97

Water certificate..... 77ВВ148481

Protocol number...... 50АВ272473

Businessman Aleksey Nagorny seizes other people's property under the patronage of high-ranking officials from the Department of Economic Security of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, headed by Yuri Shalakov, and the Main Investigation Department, led by Ivan Glukhov.

M. Basmanov

Businessman and social activist Alexey Nagorny proudly wears a public award - the Order of the Golden Star for Loyalty to Russia. However, his frequent business trips to Arabia and Beirut, as well as his recent attempt to seize a Russian strategic enterprise, make us wonder - whose fatherland is represented in our country by the member of the board of trustees of the Union of Social Justice of Russia and the former co-owner of the Yuzhnaya Hotel, Alexey Nikolaevich Nagorny?

It is unknown how the fate and career of Alexei Nikolaevich Nagorny would have developed if not for his relatives. Of course, it was my father, Nikolai Akimovich, who started it. He is a stern man and knows life firsthand - Nagorny Sr. served for a long time as a prosecutor of the special prosecutor’s office of the Federal Penitentiary Service of the Russian Federation and oversaw numerous “zones” of the Tula region. Having received a decent legal education, Alexey Nagorny came up with a simple business: the father provides a convicted citizen with parole, and the son receives money for this from the relatives of the lucky parole holder. But, with the retirement of Nikolai Akimovich, Mr. Nagorny had to look for another source of income. He tried his hand at show business, moneylending, and trading. Then he focused on cash-out transactions and the vast market for mergers and acquisitions.

Here is a list of garbage companies that A.N. Nagorny used and uses:
Amigard LLC INN 7706674011 General Director Alekseeva Natalya Vyacheslavovna
LLC "Imedi-Service" 7704032700 Oprisko Yu.I.
Stroyresurs LLC 7736572560 Sobolev Alexander Olegovich
LLC "Aliada" 7733631426 Konyushev V.A.
Interface LLC 7743621762 Rybina Natalya Nikolaevna
LLC "Komplekt" 7715675205 Ischuk Oleg Pavlovich
City-Group LLC 7704584980 Fedorenko Angela Grigorievna

Family and business ties

Nagorny learned to take advantage of his family connections long ago, in the mid-90s, by appointing his relatives to the posts of managers of various shady companies in his place. Among them is a veteran of the prison prosecutor's office, Nikolai Akimovich, and Nagornaya's sister, Maria Nikolaevna, who at one time worked as a federal judge in the Savyolovsky District Court of Moscow and was fired for an unknown reason, and a stepmother, and a cousin. But the record here belongs to the younger brother of Nagorny’s legal wife Natalya, Alexey Olegovich Chistyakov. It is unknown why this charming schemer liked this man, but he helped Nagorny in the implementation of many schemes, including participation in the high-profile scandal with Image Bank (in 2001, its management was involved in fraud with counterfeit bills).

Nagorny carefully carried his love for correctional institutions through the years. At the beginning of the 2000s, he invested his wife’s money in the Yust-Telecom company, which was engaged in installing telephones in correctional institutions throughout Russia. The project promised big profits, but Nagorny was again let down by the “dark side of his personality” - he started a whirlwind affair with the fiancee of the general director of Yust-Telecom, for which he paid with a share in the business and his wife’s money.

Having successfully overcome a streak of failures, in 2006 Nagorny headed the Yuzhny Hotel OJSC in Moscow. As general director, Nagorny did not lead the hotel to prosperity - although with skillful management such a hotel in the capital could bring considerable “white” profit. Instead, the experienced raider successfully withdrew funds from the OJSC through his own shell companies. When the shareholders decided to sell the unprofitable asset, Nagorny did not like the number of shares owed to him, and he applied the classic scheme - he himself organized a raider attack on his own enterprise, frightening the shareholders, and then offered them a “worthy” buyer.

Do gullible shareholders (far from being stupid or poor gentlemen) know that even then Nagorny made quite good money precisely because, firstly, he nationalized funds allocated for defense in his favor, and secondly, thanks to behind-the-scenes intrigues, put in his pocket a good difference between the price announced to his partners and the real price - unknown. That's how it was. At the end of 2007, a deal took place, where the buyer of the Yuzhny Hotel OJSC was the Guta group of companies, and the sellers were the majority shareholders of the Hotel. The intermediary between the group of shareholders and Guta was Aleksey Nikolaevich Nagorny, who at that time was the General Director of the hotel. His task in this matter was initially to find a buyer, organize a transaction, conduct negotiations, and, of course, represent the interests of shareholders in negotiations.

The total value of this transaction is 24 million US dollars. The decision to sell shares came to a group of majority shareholders in the spring of 2007 after a failed raider attack. The initial potential buyer was the Nerl company. The deal was almost at the completion stage, but did not take place due to Nagorny’s usual human greed. Thus, Nerl offered the sellers 30 million US dollars, while the amount was announced specifically to the intermediary, i.e. Mr. Nagorny. He, in turn, announced a much smaller amount to his partners. So, one of the shareholders, Mr. Kostitsin, was told the amount was 15 million, others - from 21 to 24 million. But Nagorny wanted to get an even larger discount, so it was the desire to continue trading that brought the deal to a standstill. The shareholders, dissatisfied with the protracted negotiations, decide to find a new buyer, which is Guta. Nagorny was also able to turn the deal with Guta to his advantage, leaving shareholders in the dark about the real value of the shares sold. Therefore, the official total cost of this transaction was called equal to 24 million US dollars.

But as part of this deal, Nagorny also committed an openly criminal act. Already during the sale of the hotel, he asked his good friends to buy up as many shares of the hotel as possible in order to obtain the so-called blocking stake. Having received it, Nagorny could raise the price. That’s how it all turned out, only his good friends from Best LLC never saw the money. No, they honestly, with their own money, bought the required number of shares and transferred them to Nagorny. But then Nagorny came back a couple of days later with a dejected look and said that “we didn’t have time with our package, the deal was almost completed.” And since everyone was at risk, everyone ended up losing: he lost his profit, and Best LLC lost the money with which the shares were bought. In fact, Nagorny went with these shares to his friend notary Kogatko and they, together, notarized all the necessary documents for the transfer of shares from Best LLC to another person. All this was done without the knowledge or participation of representatives of Best LLC, as required by law. Here Nagorny and notary Kogatko committed criminal acts that fell immediately under two articles of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation: Art. 327 and 159. I wonder if his partner Goncharenko and his wife’s brother Chistyakov, to whom these shares were subsequently transferred, know about this?

In the situation with the sale of the Yuzhny Hotel, Nagorny must be given his due - he managed to fool everyone and remain at the greatest profit. At the end of his work in hotels, he “dumped” a team of lawyers who worked for him for a year. Having signed two contracts with them for the provision of legal services, Nagorny ultimately did not pay for them, sending lawyers to the new owner to sort it out.

Another noticeable milestone on the path of the raider-order bearer is Geo-System Navigation CJSC (TM STARCOM). In the mid-2000s, Nagorny became Chairman of the Board of Directors of this company with a 49% stake, the remaining 51% was owned by shareholders from Israel and Georgia. The company already occupied a leading position in the market related to ensuring the safety of cars and their owners, and even now the Geo-System Navigation company is one of the leading operators of the STARCOM satellite system for vehicle safety and management. And so, literally at the peak of success, Nagorny was suddenly removed from his position, removed from the shareholders and fired. What is the reason for such a sudden resignation? Here opinions are divided. The first version is that the company’s owners traced some connection between the increased number of thefts of expensive cars from the company’s clients and the activities of Nagorny, who, according to some sources, using his official position, transferred electronic codes and digital keys to the system to a gang of professional car thieves, which allowed criminals to almost freely steal and resell , seemingly reliably protected premium and VIP class cars. According to the second version, Mr. Nagorny was exposed while trying to organize a raider takeover of the entire company according to his favorite scheme, that is, from the inside.

"The apartment where the money is"

Today, Nagorny is a member of the board of trustees of the Union of Social Justice of Russia, and was awarded a public award - the Order of the Golden Star for Loyalty to Russia. He also holds a post in a certain “Joint-Stock Company for Scientific and Technical Development “Region””. This structure is engaged in ensuring the security of a number of commercial structures, and the workers there are mainly former employees of various Russian security forces. According to available information, Mr. Yevtushenko, the owner of AFK Sistema, is behind the creation of this organization. How Alexey Nagorny got there is perhaps an idle question.

Since then, Alexey Nagorny has been playing by the rules established by Ostap Bender - he gains the trust of his business partners, gains access to financial documents, and then simply “divests” his new friends and disappears into the financial jungle...

The list of Nagorny’s deceived comrades is headed by a certain Mr. Telepin, who gave Nagorny money for a large joint project, but for some reason was embarrassed to draw up a documentary agreement. When the time came to share the profits, Nagorny simply forgot about the existence of a partner. The trials began. As a result of the war, ... the wife of Alexei Nagorny suffered, from whom Telepin managed to sue for an apartment (Nagorny’s passport is registered in a five-story building demolished in 2004 at 36 Begovaya Street).

By the way, Nagorny’s legal wife Natalya Smirnova is a successful entrepreneur, owner of shops and restaurants. They have been married for 17 years, have two sons, but this marriage can hardly be called happy...

Business adultery

However, Alexey Nikolaevich almost always manages to combine his personal life with his career. In fact, Nagorny has two families - for more than three years he has maintained very close relations with a certain Anastasia Yakovleva, born in 1987. During this time, he managed to give her a Lexus car and a house on the coast in Bulgaria. Of course, not counting other pleasant “little things”.

But Nagorny would not be himself if even here he could not “adapt” a person to his needs: Anastasia, so to speak, part-time, using her economic education, works out various financial schemes for Alexey, often clearly illegal. Of course, “passport” Alexei Nikolaevich's wife, Natalya, being more than 20 years older than her rival, would be terribly dissatisfied with this state of affairs. Moreover, until recently, it was she who earned the money for Nagorny’s numerous very expensive raider projects. But, apparently, she does not know about the presence of a second family with her dear husband, who knows how to carefully disguise himself. Although this skill of his will soon prove powerless in the face of a much more serious problem - Anastasia is increasingly dissatisfied with her position as a “spare” wife and is increasingly laying claim to the role of Mr. Nagorny’s legal wife.

Nothing sacred...

One of Mr. Nagorny’s latest projects was an attempt to take over the NEBO-service company. Either there was no longer enough money, or our order bearer lowered the level of moral requirements for himself below the plinth. But the fact remains that Nagorny went to seize a business owned by a person with whom they have been friends for more than 10 years. Alexey Nagorny used all his friendly charm - and as a result, after some time he became... the vice president of the company. Having risen to this position in March last year, he decided to strike a blow that had been prepared for a long time. First, he proposed to his formal boss and personal friend, Boris Nekrasov, to transfer to him, Nagorny, 50% of the shares of Sky-Service or. To start. Otherwise, he promised problems with the “authorities.” And problems with the security forces began immediately after Nekrasov rejected the ultimatum.

A group of lawyers led by Dmitry Gedeonov (Nagorny’s man) and employees of the Federal Tax Service No. 30 fabricated an on-site tax audit report in relation to Nebo-service, and managed to make sure that the “fake” Act came into force even before it was reported The management of Sky-Service found out. The report with a large amount of arrears was transferred to ORB No. 5 of the Department of the Interior Ministry, employees of this particular unit “pressed” Sky-Service, without hiding the fact that they were being covered up at the very top. “At the very top” is the head of the Internal Affairs Ministry’s Internal Security Department, Major General Yuri Shalakov. Having received the Act, the operatives intensified their pressure, and without any warrants an attempt was made to seize the company’s financial documents. When this failed, unprecedented pressure began on the company’s management, including visits by detectives with machine guns to the office, night visits by the same detectives to the home of the company’s managers, and even the police seizing medical records of family members of Boris Nekrasov (president of Nebo-Service) from the clinic, where they were observed. But in response, the security forces received a lawsuit in the Moscow Arbitration Court and a criminal case in the Closed Joint-Stock Company under Article 201 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (exceeding official powers). When facts emerged in this criminal case indicating the ordered nature of the actions against Nebo-Service and Nagorny’s direct participation in this, the case was quickly taken up to the State Investigative Directorate, where it has been successfully “investigated” for two months now. The case was withdrawn within 1 day on the personal instructions of the head of the Main Investigation Department I. Glukhov.

It is no secret that ONTR "Region", a member of the board of directors of which is A. Nagorny, has serious connections in law enforcement agencies and, in particular, in the Main Directorate of the Central Internal Affairs Directorate. Here, too, without waiting for “capitulation” from Nekrasov, a criminal case was hastily initiated against the management of “Sky Service” under the police’s “favorite” Art. 199 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation.

Now Nagorny’s team is engaged in fabricating evidence of Nekrasov’s participation in a number of crimes, and in response to the won arbitration, GSU investigator A. Maslikov takes Nekrasov’s recognizance not to leave and, thereby, disrupts his important foreign business trip. Briefly about the characters and their roles: A. Nagorny organizer and project manager. “Region” provides administrative resources and access to government contracts.

Nagorny's lawyers, led by Dmitry Gedeonov - contacts with Federal Tax Service No. 30, work with the media, fabrication of evidence.

ORB No. 5 DEB of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, under the leadership of its chief K. Chernikov and the personal cover of Yu. Shalakov, is responsible for operational cover and constant pressure on Sky-Service.

The Main Directorate of Internal Affairs of the Main Directorate of Internal Affairs, under the personal control of I. Glukhov, is responsible for the criminal prosecution and “cleaning up” of Nekrasov’s resistance (for example, the fate of the criminal case in the Department of Internal Affairs of the ZAO).

Now arbitrations are underway and criminal cases are being initiated based on statements by Nekrasov and the managers of Nebo-Service: fortunately, in conversations with them, Nagorny did not hesitate to brag about his connections in the structures of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and State Security over a voice recorder and openly called police generals..

Transcript of the recording of one of the conversations between Alexey Nagorny (NAS) and General Director of Nebo-Service Evgeniy Lakhin (LEE). The conversation took place at the end of August 2009, the editors have the original recording:

Hello LEE

NAN Greetings

LEE... AN the question is, the question is that we started having problems, we thought, or rather I thought, that I myself could understand what was happening.

NAN Got it figured out

LEE. No, we haven’t figured it out... I came on my own initiative, on my own behalf. It’s just that the situation is such that I wouldn’t want to be extreme…. At 5 ORB they directly said that we need to ask AN. I would like them to leave us alone and let us work. They left Nebo-Service alone, and so did I. There’s just no point in leaving the National Assembly right now anyway.

NAN It's up to you to decide: there is a meaning, there is no meaning... You are an adult, you assessed the situation yourself. What do you need from me? How can I help you.

LEE. Well, I don’t know, any advice or recommendation, I’ll be honest, I tried to communicate with Lebin (with the detective of the 5th ORB) through my friend.

NAN Evgeniy, you are raising a question that is beyond your competence, you are trying to discuss them and find some kind of solution, while you say that you have nothing to do with the founders - the source of the problem, then you are reaping the benefits, this is your right. You say that there are problems. What do you want?

LEE I want peace, to work normally. You said that if you have any questions, I can call

NAN Well, everything has an expiration date. You think that I do not have enough information to evaluate your words. Do you think this is a kindergarten? Why then do you tell it the way it suits you? You see, the times when respected employees, management, and shareholders of the National Assembly considered it possible to act as they see fit are over. It won't be like that now.

NAN Start cooperating with the investigation. That's all I can tell you. 3-4 months ago I could have told you something else. And now we are not interested in you. You have nothing that could protect you as a witness. If you're willing to tell us something that we don't know, then let's see, then maybe...

LEE AN, That's what I'm talking about! We can discuss some issues. What do you need? Cooperation with the investigation?

NAN I can contact the management and convince them that you sincerely want to help us, thereby somehow participating in your destiny. That's all I can do for you.

LEE So the National Assembly has no future?

NAS In that composition - absolutely. To be honest, I’m not sure that we are talking only about the NS. Unfortunately, he put the whole family at risk with his actions. They have never encountered me in a work situation. Believe me, not one of our mutual acquaintances understands where I work, at what level, or with anyone. And at the moment they can only regret.

LEEE So now there is no compensation, there can be no return?

NAN I do not intend to discuss this issue with you. You are not an authorized person, moreover, having once shown yourself from a certain side. E, you are still assessing the situation from the point of view of working in the company, you do not yet understand the depth of the problem. You don't understand her, you don't hear what I'm telling you. You didn’t hear 4 months ago, and you don’t hear now. Today, this case has political overtones. It is under control. Yes Yes. This will be a very beautiful show. The FSB is in control. It’s just that if a person is smart enough to call the current colonel, the head of the RF DEB department and say, I’ll put you all there, along with your Nagorny. I will write to the Prosecutor General's Office, I am a rich man, you are preventing me from working... The only assessment was inadequate. Do you know what they do with a mad dog?

LEE What do you need? Come and give evidence?

NAN Well, first of all, it's in your best interests. If you don't do this, criminal charges will be filed and you will get yours. That's the whole difference between coming and not coming.

LEE Well, what can I do? Are there any moral limits? What is needed? AN, I wouldn’t come just like that. It’s just that I, or rather my friend, was told that the issue of closing the case rests on the problem of Nekrasov’s debt.

NAN What debt? There is no concept of "debt". Nobody owes me anything. I don't see any way out. Even discussing anything is unacceptable for me today. It’s just that after what happened, I don’t trust anyone. In order to discuss something... although I don’t see it today... Why are you here? I'm not sure that the further it goes, the more realistic it will be to help in some way. Today, after your call, I asked about this. Thank God there is a possibility of communication. Well, just from the leadership of 4 generals, 2 are now abroad. I talked to the deputy. He asked to prepare a certificate. All actions taken on your part are qualified as unwillingness to cooperate, therefore, after the initiation, maximum investigative measures will be taken and that’s all. What to talk about next? Then the only question is “how much”.

LEE You mean “how much”?

NAN How old? We haven't talked about bribes for a long time. I personally don't need anything. It is necessary to at least give evidence. They, Boris Olegovich, Natalya Shangovna, believe that they are right, that they have the right. Until they part with their illusions, there is nothing to talk about.

LEE Well, they will give up their illusions, but will it be possible to find some kind of compromise?

NAS There will be no compromises. It will only happen as they are told. All compromises are over. I gave up on this company, on these people. They don't exist for me. Zhen, you will no longer work in that composition. This is impossible. You do not understand!!! You don't have a picture! And I won’t draw it for you. You don't even understand theoretically. I can only give outlines: I don’t even know the person you talked to at the hierarchy level. This is an artist I don't even know. He has a department head - this is the minimum level with whom I communicate. I communicate only with the head of the department... (Head of the Department of Economic Security of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, Police Lieutenant General Shalakov Yuri Andreevich - author's note) The department is united. You don't even understand what we're talking about! The department consists of the best specialists who have contacts with all intelligence services, including foreign intelligence... This is a complex company. If you are willing to cooperate, then you must testify. Then the investigation will draw a line. Boris Olegovich has no idea what kind of reputation awaits him in the market. It’s not like he’s working, now he’ll face such a volume of complaints. I personally recommend that you hire an employee and give an explanation. If you are worried that there will be sanctions, then I can give personal guarantees that I will call and say that the person is on the right path. It’s just that now there’s a turning point, and then...

NAN calls and asks to confirm that there will be guarantees that nothing will happen to Lakhin if he comes to testify. Someone Slava gives his guarantees. He asks to come to Lebin.

As can be seen from the transcript of the conversation, no one in this raider-police company wants to expose themselves. Nagorny does not even mention the names of “his” generals out loud, and the “pocket” generals themselves act through their subordinates. This could have been taken as a pure bluff, if not for Lakhin’s meeting with ORB-5 detective officer Captain Lebin, at which the officer directly voiced the position of his command to the entrepreneur. Thus, the leadership of ORB-5, namely police colonel Konstantin Chernikov and police lieutenant colonel Vladislav Kazansky (for Nagorny, simply Slavik), through their subordinate, again and strongly recommended that businessmen resolve all issues regarding the NS company directly with Alexey Nagorny, who is not an employee of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and is not in the public service at all, but for some reason acts as a “guarantor of legality and purity” in this matter. There are few motives for such official zeal on the part of large police officials. There is no need to talk about friendship here - just a year ago the above-mentioned police officers had no idea about Nagorny’s existence. But Nagorny himself spoke about the financial component of this “friendship” in the sense that resorting to the services of employees of the State Security Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation will affect the wallet... of Nekrasov. According to Nagorny, it is the latter who “will also have to pay for the services of the cops,” who in this case “honestly” fulfill Alexey’s order for the company.

"Bond, James Bond…"

Entering the international business in the trade of “delicate” electronic devices, radars and navigation systems for aviation of all kinds of special services seems to promise fabulous profits for Alexey Nagorny. There is also no doubt about Nagorny’s lobbying abilities.

But, apparently, legal business is not for such a hero. Now Nagorny is often seen in Dubai and Beirut. Few people are privy to the details of his business, however, Nagorny has respectable clients in his financial transactions, including Arab clients. The amounts of concluded contracts and loans include tens of millions of euros, and the holder of the Order “For Fidelity to Russia”, shining with a gold star, supposedly never tires of boasting among his foreign partners about his Russian “generals at his beck and call.” Oddly enough, partners fall for it...

Major General of Police.

Born on May 18, 1957 in Krasnoyarsk.

In 1982-1984 he served in the Armed Forces and served as an officer in the Turkestan Military District on the border with Afghanistan.

Has two higher educations. Candidate of Psychological Sciences.

He began his career at the Krasnoyarsk Metallurgical Plant. After serving in the army, he joined the internal affairs bodies, where he worked from 1985 to 1994 in various positions - from criminal investigation officer to deputy head of the department of operational and technical measures of the Internal Affairs Directorate of the Krasnoyarsk Regional Executive Committee.

In 1994, he joined the tax police of the Krasnoyarsk Territory, where he headed an independent unit. Five years later he already held the position of first deputy head of the department.

In 1996, when Yuri Shalakov held the position of deputy head of the Federal Tax Service, then acting. Head of the Federal Tax Service for the Krasnoyarsk Territory under the supervision of Alexander Lychkovsky, Lieutenant General, Head of the Federal Tax Service for the Krasnoyarsk Territory, Advisor to the Governor, Secretary of the Regional Security Council. At this time, there was a high-profile murder of Segodnyashnyaya Gazeta journalist Vadim Alferyev, who had repeatedly written about the war around the Krasnoyarsk Aluminum Plant and government officials associated with it. As a result, the case was reopened 5 times, but was never brought to trial. However, later Yuri Shalakov was detained for 10 days in connection with this case.

In 1999, Yuri Shalakov was appointed to the Ivanovo region, where he headed the regional department of the Federal Tax Police Service, and in the same year he was awarded the rank of “Major General of Police.”

In 2000, Yuri Shalakov, while on vacation in Krasnoyarsk, was detained in connection with the resumption of the criminal investigation into the death of Vadim Alferev. However, after 10 days he was released.

In the spring of 2003, according to the Decree of Russian President Vladimir Putin, the Federal Tax Police Service was abolished. On its basis, the State Committee for Control of Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances was created, where Yuri Shalakov headed the Office of the State Committee (since the spring of 2004 - the Federal Service) for control of traffic in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances in the Ivanovo region. He worked in this position until 2005.

On June 3, he was appointed head of the 9th Department of the Federal Service of the Russian Federation for Drug Control, which includes several departments, including forensics and special forces.

From 2007 to 2008 he worked as first deputy head of the Department of Economic Security of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia.

In February 2008, by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was appointed head of the Department of Economic Security of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia.

Married. Son - an officer of the armed forces (2004)
Political and business connections
The mid-1990s in the Krasnoyarsk Territory was characterized by a struggle for large enterprises located in the region (primarily KrAZ), which found its response in the relationship between business and government structures. The investigation into the murder of Vadim Alferyev was purely political in nature. This is clear even from the fact that it was resumed several times, and the most active actions in 2000 occurred precisely during the redistribution of property at KrAZ - in early April it was announced that a criminal case had been initiated against Anatoly Bykova, a famous Krasnoyarsk entrepreneur and co-owner of the Krasnoyarsk aluminum smelter.

The investigation was carried out by a group of Moscow investigators headed by First Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs Vladimir Kolesnikov. The main purpose of his actions, apparently, was not to investigate economic crimes in the Krasnoyarsk Territory, but to find incriminating evidence on Anatoly Bykov, which was later used. After this investigation, in mid-2000, Vladimir Kolesnikov went to work at the Prosecutor General's Office.

In addition to Yuri Shalakov, the case involved: Alexander Lychkovsky, in 1996, Shalakov’s boss, Vladimir Shakhov, his subordinate and head of the Krasnoyarsk city tax police department, as well as Gennady Druzhinin, one of the most influential businessmen of that period in the Krasnoyarsk Territory, was the head of the board of directors of KrAZ, general director, partner of Anatoly Bykov. In addition, during the investigation, the name of Alexander Uss, chairman of the Legislative Assembly of the Krasnoyarsk Territory, known for his close ties with the business community and criminal connections, came up repeatedly 27.

In turn, one can trace the connection between Yuri Shalakov and Boris Petrunin, former head of the Department of Internal Affairs for the Krasnoyarsk Territory, who also lobbied for the interests of Anatoly Bykov.

In the summer of 2007, another expansion of people began Viktor Cherkesov into the Ministry of Internal Affairs system. Thus, a former senior drug control officer Sergei Derevyanko appointed deputy head of the Department of Internal Security (DSB) of the Ministry of Internal Affairs with the assignment of the police rank of major general. On June 30, Yuri Shalakov became the first deputy head of the Department of Economic Security (DES) of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation. The Department of Internal Affairs of the Ministry of Internal Affairs is a key department, and in the fight for it, Viktor Cherkesov outplayed Igor Sechin.

Head of the Human Resources Department
Kikot Vladimir Yakovlevich

Lieutenant General of Police.
Born on January 1, 1952 in the village of Belokurakino, Voroshilovgrad region, Ukrainian SSR.

After completing military service in the Armed Forces of the USSR in 1972, he entered the Higher Political School of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs in Leningrad (from 1972 to 1976).

Graduated from the same university:
STEPASHIN Sergey Vadimovich- Chairman of the Accounts Chamber of the Russian Federation. Lieutenant General.

Utkin Nikolay Ivanovich- Deputy Head of the St. Petersburg Institute of the State Fire Service of the Ministry of Emergency Situations of Russia for scientific work, Colonel of the Internal Service.

TOPCHY Sergey Stepanovich - Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Internal Troops of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs. Lieutenant General.

SALNIKOV Viktor Petrovich - Head of the St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia. Lieutenant General of Police.

SPITSNADEL Vladimir Borisovich - Member of the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation from the administration of the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug. Lieutenant General of Internal Service.

SKRYABIN Viktor Nikolaevich - Deputy Head of the Department for Educational Work of the State Committee for Internal Affairs of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation. Major General.

VLASKO Vladimir Vasilievich - Deputy Commander of the Siberian District of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia for work with personnel. Major General.

DENISENKOV Yuri Vladimirovich - Deputy Commander of the Ural District Internal Troops of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs for work with personnel. Major General.

LISENKO Vladimir Mikhailovich - Deputy Commander of the Eastern District of the Internal Troops of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs. Major General.

ROGANOV Anatoly Alexandrovich - Deputy Commander of the Moscow District of Internal Affairs of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs for work with personnel. Colonel.

ANASTASYAN Sergey Vladimirovich - Head of Department, Deputy Head of the Department for Educational Work of the State Committee for Internal Affairs of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation. Colonel.

LYSENKO Valery Vladimirovich - First Deputy Head of the St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia for academic work. Police Colonel.

ALEXANDROV Sergey Grigorievich - Deputy Head of the St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia for work with personnel. Police Colonel.

LOIT Hillar Harrievich - Professor of the Department of Organization of Personnel and Educational Work at St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia. Major General of Police.

LUGOVKIN Vladimir Alexandrovich - From 1997 to September 1998, deputy head of the St. Petersburg Academy of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, also head of the Higher Academic Courses. In September 1998, he was transferred to the reserve of the USSR Armed Forces.

GOROZHANIN Alexander Vladimirovich - Head of the Samara Law Institute of the Russian Ministry of Justice.

GASANOV Karim Kadyrovich - Deputy Head of the Moscow University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia for correspondence education and training of economic personnel.

RACHILA Yuri Lukyanovich - Deputy commander of a military unit for work with personnel of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia.

KOCHIN Andrey Anatolievich - Head of the North-Western branch of the All-Russia Research Institute of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia.
In 1986 he successfully graduated from the Military-Political Academy named after. IN AND. Lenin in Moscow. In the same year, the Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Ground Forces for educational work, head of the educational work department, Major General, also graduated from this academy. Victor Batmazov .

In 1976-1979 he worked as secretary of the Komsomol bureau of the 2nd battalion, secretary of the party committee of the 4th battalion of the Higher Political School. 60th anniversary of the Komsomol Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR.

In 1979-1983 he was assistant to the head of the political department for Komsomol work at the Higher Political School named after. 60th anniversary of the Komsomol Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR.

In 1983, he switched to teaching and reached the position of deputy head of pedagogy and psychology at the Higher Political School. 60th anniversary of the Komsomol Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR. In 1992, he moved to the position of head of the department of military pedagogy and psychology at the Higher Military Command School of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia. In 1994-1998 - Deputy Head of the St. Petersburg Military Institute of Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia for scientific work, Deputy Head of the St. Petersburg Academy of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia for personnel. In 1998-2000 - Deputy Head of the St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia for retraining and advanced training, training of financial and economic personnel.

In 2000, he was appointed to the position of head of the State Institution “All-Russian Research Institute of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia”.

Later he combined scientific and professional activities. In 2001 - 2002, he was the head of the Passport and Visa Directorate of the Security Security Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia.

Since April 2002, he has been the head of the Academy of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, and since August, the rector of the Moscow University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia.

By Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of February 15, 2005 No. 152, he was appointed head of the Human Resources Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia.

He is a professor in the department of pedagogy and psychology, and has the academic degrees of Doctor of Pedagogical Sciences (1998) and Doctor of Legal Sciences (2002).

Repeatedly awarded state and departmental awards, awarded the honorary title “Honored Worker of Higher School of the Russian Federation.”

Author of more than 100 scientific and educational works. The main ones are: “Formation of a culture of professional communication among police officers” (1994); “Pedagogy and psychology of higher education” (1996)” “Problems of management and ways of developing professional training for students at universities of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia” (1997); “Information support for the educational process in universities of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia” (1997); “Legal culture of employees of internal affairs bodies in professional communication” (2001); “Moral and psychological support for service and combat activities of military personnel of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia” (2003), etc.

He is the chairman of the dissertation council at the Moscow University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia. Member of the Expert Council of the Higher Attestation Commission of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation. Chairman of the Academic Council of Moscow University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia.

Full member of the International Academy of Acmeological Sciences. He performed service and combat missions in the Caucasus.
Married, has a son and two daughters.

Alexander Lychkovsky
Boris Petrunin
Viktor Cherkesov
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Head of the Department of Economic Security

Shalakov Yuri Andreevich

Major General of Police.

In 1982-1984 he served in the Armed Forces and served as an officer in the Turkestan Military District on the border with Afghanistan.

Has two higher educations. Candidate of Psychological Sciences.

In 1994, he joined the tax police of the Krasnoyarsk Territory, where he headed an independent unit. Five years later he already held the position of first deputy head of the department.

On June 3, he was appointed head of the 9th Department of the Federal Service of the Russian Federation for Drug Control, which includes several departments, including forensics and special forces.

From 2007 to 2008 he worked as first deputy head of the Department of Economic Security of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia.

In February 2008, by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was appointed head of the Department of Economic Security of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia.

Married. Son - an officer of the armed forces (2004)

^ Political and business connections

The mid-1990s in the Krasnoyarsk Territory was characterized by a struggle for large enterprises located in the region (primarily KrAZ), which found its response in the relationship between business and government structures. The investigation into the murder of Vadim Alferyev was purely political in nature. This is clear even from the fact that it was resumed several times, and the most active actions in 2000 occurred precisely during the redistribution of property at KrAZ - in early April it was announced that a criminal case had been initiated against Anatoly Bykova, a famous Krasnoyarsk entrepreneur and co-owner of the Krasnoyarsk aluminum smelter.

In addition to Yuri Shalakov, the case involved: ^ Alexander Lychkovsky, in 1996, Shalakov’s boss, Vladimir Shakhov, his subordinate and head of the Krasnoyarsk city tax police department, as well as Gennady Druzhinin, one of the most influential businessmen of that period in the Krasnoyarsk Territory, was the head of the board of directors of KrAZ, general director, partner of Anatoly Bykov. In addition, during the investigation, the name of Alexander Uss, chairman of the Legislative Assembly of the Krasnoyarsk Territory, known for his close ties with the business community and criminal connections, came up repeatedly 27.

In turn, one can trace the connection between Yuri Shalakov and ^ Boris Petrunin, former head of the Department of Internal Affairs for the Krasnoyarsk Territory, who also lobbied for the interests of Anatoly Bykov.

In the summer of 2007, another expansion of people began ^ Viktor Cherkesov into the Ministry of Internal Affairs system. Thus, a former senior drug control officer Sergei Derevyanko appointed deputy head of the Department of Internal Security (DSB) of the Ministry of Internal Affairs with the assignment of the police rank of major general. On June 30, Yuri Shalakov became the first deputy head of the Department of Economic Security (DES) of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation. The Department of Internal Affairs of the Ministry of Internal Affairs is a key department, and in the fight for it, Viktor Cherkesov outplayed Igor Sechin.